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Response to OFMDFM’s Consultation Towards an
Anti-Poverty Strategy, New TSN – the way forward Phase
Two
Children’s Law Centre
August 2005
Introduction
The Children’s Law Centre is an independent charitable
organisation established in September 1997 which works towards
a society where all children can participate, are valued,
their rights respected and guaranteed without discrimination
and every child can achieve their full potential.
We offer training and research on children’s rights,
we make submissions on law, policy and practice affecting
children and young people and we run an advice/information/representation
service. We have a dedicated free phone advice line for children
and young people called CHALKY and a youth advisory group
called Youth@clc.
Our organisation is founded on the principles enshrined in
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC),
in particular:
• Children shall not be discriminated against and shall
have equal access to protection.
• All decisions taken which affect children’s
lives should be taken in the child’s best interests.
• Children have the right to have their voices heard
in all matters concerning them.
In responding to the Office of the First and Deputy First
Minister’s (OFMDFM’s) Consultation Towards an
Anti-Poverty Strategy, New TSN – The Way Forward Phase
Two (Anti-Poverty Strategy), we consulted with Youth@clc,
the Children’s Law Centre’s youth advisory group
which is made up of young people aged between 15 - 21 years,
from various backgrounds who aim to ensure that the voices
of children and young people are heard at local and national
levels of decision-making. The primary aim of Youth@clc is
to promote awareness of children’s rights, with an ultimate
goal of every child and young person in Northern Ireland being
fully aware of their rights and the laws that affect them.
The views expressed by Youth@clc feed into this response and
notes of the consultation event are attached at Appendix 1.
From its perspective as an organisation, which works with
and on behalf of children, both directly and indirectly, the
Children's Law Centre is grateful for the opportunity to make
this submission to OFMDFM.
Child Poverty
We welcome the fact that OFMDFM is consulting on the latest
phase of the Anti-Poverty Strategy. However, we must state
our disappointment from the outset at the glaring lack of
focus in the document on children and child poverty in Northern
Ireland. Child poverty is a serious issue for the population
of Northern Ireland and the Strategy document itself acknowledges
that,
“Northern Ireland has relatively higher levels of child
poverty than in Great Britain.” (Page 13)
It is concerning to note that the Anti-Poverty Strategy appears
to delegate responsibility for tackling child poverty to the
Children and Young People’s Unit’s Children’s
Strategy and states that,
“Child poverty is one of the five priority areas focused
upon within the (children’s) strategy” (Page 96)
and further indicates the lack of intention to address child
poverty within the Anti-Poverty Strategy, stating that, while
there have been criticisms levied at OFMDFM earlier in the
consultation process regarding the lack of focus on child
poverty,
“Northern Ireland Departments are committed to making
a contribution towards the achievement of the UK Child Poverty
target of halving the number of children in relative low income
households between 1998 – 99 and 2010 –11, on
the way to eradicating child poverty by 2020.” (Pages
95 and 96)
However, what is both interesting and extremely worrying to
note is that the most comprehensive action on poverty in The
Children’s Strategy consultation document’s states
that,
“Issues impacting on and associated with child poverty
will be considered within the context of the Anti-Poverty
Forum as proposed in the consultation document “New
TSN – the way forward – towards an anti-poverty
strategy.”” (Page 71)
It appears from this that both the Anti-Poverty Unit and the
Children and Young People’s Unit within OFMDFM believe
that the responsibility for addressing child poverty is that
of its neighbouring Unit, in spite of the fact that in our
submission to the Children’s Strategy we called for
tackling child poverty to be a central issue within the both
the Government’s Anti-Poverty Strategy and the Children
and Young People’s Strategy to ensure that the rights
and needs of those 32,000 (8%) of children in Northern Ireland
living in severe poverty and the 38% of our children identified
as deprived of one or more child necessities are adequately
addressed. (“The Bottom Line”, Save the Children
2005) We believe that there is a need for both Strategies
to comprehensively address child poverty as a central issue,
particularly in light of OFMDFM’s own recognition of
the unacceptable level of child poverty in Northern Ireland
as compared to Great Britain (above).
The lack of focus on children and child poverty in the Anti-Poverty
Strategy is even more surprising given that the Department
for Work and Pensions’ National Action Plan on Social
Inclusion’s Implementation Report, which clearly states
that it will be the vehicle for addressing and eradicating
child poverty in Northern Ireland,
“In Northern Ireland an Anti-Poverty Strategy is currently
being developed and will include a focus on child poverty
issues.” (DWP, 2005)
There is a failure to highlight and draw upon the available
research in relation to the causes and effects of child poverty
in Northern Ireland and a failure to give due weight to child
poverty measures, which include a mixed measure of deprivation
and low income, that have been endorsed by both the EU and
UK Governments. In order to formulate and develop a robust
and effective Anti-Poverty Strategy, these child poverty measures
should be used to provide a sound baseline analysis of the
extent of child poverty in Northern Ireland. We also recommend
that the Government’s commitment to eradicating child
poverty, with its targets to halve child poverty across the
UK by 2010 and eradicate child poverty by 2020, be explicitly
applied in Northern Ireland.
We note the reference made in the consultation document to
the Sure Start initiative. It is the only anti-poverty initiative
directed at children mentioned in the draft Strategy. While
it would appear that Sure Start in England has made a valuable
contribution to the development of children living in disadvantaged
areas, it has not been implemented or resourced in Northern
Ireland in a similar manner. Also as Sure Start is intended
for children up to the age of 4, it can hardly be seen as
a comprehensive programme to address child poverty for all
children under the age of 18 years. A range of initiatives
must be developed to address deprivation at all stages of
childhood perhaps along the same lines as the Department for
Work and Pensions’ life cycle approach adopted in developing
its Anti-Poverty Strategy.
We stress the need to rectify the very grave omission of children
from the Anti-Poverty Strategy and we would welcome a firm
commitment by Government in the Strategy to addressing child
poverty in Northern Ireland, something which we feel is lacking
in the current draft of the Strategy.
We would further submit that the final strategy must be subject
to a section 75 screening exercise. Given its failure to address
children the policy will have to be screened in and a full
EQIA carried out. The results of the EQIA will unquestionable
show an adverse differential impact on children, which we
submit is unsustainable.
International Standards
The UNCRC is a set of non-negotiable and legally binding minimum
standards and obligations in respect of all aspects of children’s
lives which the Government has ratified. A great many of the
articles of the UNCRC apply to child poverty and any Government
which continues to allow its children to live in poverty is
in breach of these articles and its obligations under the
UNCRC. The principles of the UNCRC are all relevant in a discussion
of the obligations of Government and child poverty. The Government
needs to eradicate child poverty to ensure the rights of all
children not to be discriminated against (Article 2), their
best interests are upheld (Article 3), they survive and develop
to the maximum extent possible (Article 6) and they are able
to meaningfully participate in all aspects of their lives
(Article 12). More specifically, Article 27 of the UNCRC states
that,
“1. States Parties recognize the right of every child
to a standard of living adequate for the child's physical,
mental, spiritual, moral and social development.
2. The parent(s) or others responsible for the child have
the primary responsibility to secure, within their abilities
and financial capacities, the conditions of living necessary
for the child's development.
3. States Parties, in accordance with national conditions
and within their means, shall take appropriate measures to
assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement
this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance
and support programmes, particularly with regard to nutrition,
clothing and housing.”
In terms of socio-economic rights, the inter-dependence and
indivisibility of all rights is hugely apparent. Without basic
rights, such as the right to accommodation and an adequate
standard of living and flowing from this, the rights to healthcare,
social services and a healthy, sustainable environment, children’s
rights to participate and have their best interests protected
become meaningless. In terms of the UNCRC, there are further
obligations which Government will be in breach of as a result
of its failure to adequately address child poverty in Northern
Ireland. At a minimum, living in poverty will have a detrimental
impact on the child’s right to the best possible healthcare
(Article24), education (Article 28) and play and leisure (Article
31). The importance of tackling child poverty and the far-reaching
implications which poverty has on the entire life of a child
has been emphasised by the UNCRC Committee which urged the
Government to take all necessary measures to the maximum extent
of available resources to accelerate the elimination of child
poverty. (Para 46a, CRC/C/15/Add.188)
The Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People
(NICCY) commissioned research, “Children’s Rights
in Northern Ireland” (2004) found that poverty is a
major obstacle in preventing children and young people from
asserting their rights. The research highlighted the findings
of a number of studies which present rather stark findings
in relation to the inter-dependence of all rights and the
impact that living in poverty has on the lives of children
in Northern Ireland. These include, children born to poorer
families in Northern Ireland are more likely to be smaller
and to die at a higher rate than those born to better off
families (O’Reilly and Gaffney); children living in
poverty are 15 times more likely to die as the result of a
house fire, five times more likely to die in accidents and
four times more likely to die before the age of 20 (DHSSPS,
2000); suicide rates among 15-24 year olds are almost three
times higher in the lowest income groups than in the other
groups combined (GCCNI, 2002); in Northern Ireland, the fifth
of the population who are most well off have a life expectancy
among the best in Europe. For the poorest fifth it is closer
to that in Eastern European countries (GCCNI, 2002); It has
been estimated that about 2,000 lives could be saved each
year in Northern Ireland if those living in the Council areas
with the highest death rates (the poorest areas) enjoyed the
same level of health as those living in the Council areas
with the lowest death rates (the best-off areas) (DHSSPS,
2000)
A further issue which arose in youth@clc’s “Shout
Out Soon” (SOS) report (2004) was that almost 12% (124)
of young people surveyed had issues regarding discrimination
in employment. The majority of these issues related to the
age of legal employment and unequal payment due to age. One
16 year old complained that,
“I am not treated fairly in employment as there are
people older than me earning more for doing the same job”
The same issue arose in the NICCY schools research where young
people rejected lower wages as discriminatory on the basis
of their age. The discriminatory nature of the minimum wage
whereby children under the age of sixteen are not entitled
to a minimum wage and those under 18 and 21 are entitled to
lower rates is economic exploitation and directly contributes
to child poverty. We believe that until the minimum wage is
the same for everyone, regardless of age, the Government is
in clear breach of Article 2 of the UNCRC – the non-discrimination
principle. The UNCRC Committee, in its report, recommends
that the Government reconsider its policies regarding the
national minimum wage for young workers in light of the principle
of non-discrimination (para 55 CRC/C/15/Add.188).
Related to this is another area which has been omitted from
the Anti-Poverty Strategy, social security provision for young
people in their own right. The Strategy should address the
fact that young people aged 16 and 17 have no automatic right
to social security benefits and also receive a lower level
of income support and jobseekers allowance than adults over
25, regardless of the fact that they may be living independently.
This is clearly a contributing factor to child poverty and
we recommend that the Government take account of the UNCRC
Committee recommendation in aiming to address the issue of
child poverty which states that the Government should review
its legislation and policies concerning benefits and social
security allowances for 16 to 18 year olds. (para 46c CRC/C/15/Add.188)
It is important to note that Government will again be reporting
to the UNCRC Committee in 2007 and will have to address the
issues raised and detail any progress made in relation to
the UNCRC Committee’s concluding observations (2002).
We believe that while the issues relating to the minimum wage
and social security provision are reserved matters, the Anti-Poverty
Strategy should make a commitment to lobbying Government to
address the concerns of the UNCRC Committee which contribute
to child poverty in Northern Ireland.
New TSN
It is concerning to note that while New TSN has been in existence
since 1991, the document states that important first steps
include having a focal point within each Department to facilitate
action on tackling poverty and social inclusion, informing
staff of the issues, identifying appropriate actions and cascading
knowledge of the Strategy to NDPB’s and other service
providers. (Page 72) This would appear to be an acknowledgement
of the fact that New TSN is not as embedded and successfully
mainstreamed as it should be within Government and service
provision. This preparatory work should long since have been
carried out to ensure that real and lasting progress could
begin to be made at this stage in the process. It is also
concerning to note that there is no evidence that New TSN
actually works, even after 14 years of the policy’s
operation. The OFMDFM commissioned Deloitte and Touche evaluation
of New TSN (2003) found evidence of attempts by Departments
to implement New TSN, but little evidence to suggest that
New TSN was actually reducing the level of poverty in Northern
Ireland. Indeed, the statistics from Save the Children’s,
“The Bottom Line” (2004) report and the NICCY
research findings (above) seems to suggest that there has
been an increase in the level of poverty, which is particularly
stark when compared to children living in Great Britain, and
further polarisation between those in poverty and those who
are better off, resulting in a wide variety of socio-economic
problems as well as an increase in the level of social exclusion.
The Strategic Framework and Priorities
There appears to be a lack of strategic focus in the Strategy
and it is concerning to note the lack of a plan of action.
The Strategy does not set targets, aims or objectives and
is not proactive, imaginative or ambitious. There is nothing
in the Strategy that is new and innovative. The document provides
no insight into how future measures will be developed or resourced.
It is vital that the final Strategy does not result merely
in a repackaging of current actions, but that a range of new
initiatives are developed and sustained.
The proposals for the strategy are not sufficiently systematic
and comprehensive. In order to eradicate poverty an understanding
of the causes of poverty must first be developed. Only then
can effective anti-poverty policies and programmes be generated
that will tackle the roots, rather than merely addressing
the impact of poverty. The document includes no analysis of
the causes of poverty at all and makes no attempt to tackle
the root causes of poverty in Northern Ireland.
We believe that the draft strategic aim and objectives place
a too narrow emphasis on employment and employability and
are not broad enough to tackle the wide spectrum of poverty
and deprivation. We recommend that the Strategy adopts over-arching
aims that are more fully reflective of the common EU objectives
for combating poverty and social exclusion and that these
are reflected in strategic outcome statements.
We are also concerned that the Strategy’s strategic
framework is too vague and sets no targets to be measured
and no actual timescales. We believe that it is vital that
the Strategy is SMART (Specific, Measurable, Achievable Realistic
Time Bound), i.e. that it is structured in such a way as to
enable its staged delivery over a given time period against
measurable outcomes which allow for monitoring, accountability
and regular evaluation. We note that the Strategy commits
to setting targets in the future but we are concerned about
how these will be set. We feel that this is the responsibility
of Ministers to set ambitious targets for each Department,
rather than the responsibilities on individual Departments.
Youth@clc expressed similar concerns, stating that there are
no targets set in the document. Youth@clc felt it would be
useful also for a time frame to be allocated any action developed
in the final Strategy, with measurable targets. They also
felt the Strategy should be much more specific, detailing
ways to effectively tackle child poverty in Northern Ireland.
Youth@clc also had a number of concerns around the Strategy’s
failure to address the impact of the conflict on poverty and
the fact that the Strategy will not result in any policy change,
which is clearly what is required to have an effective impact
on tackling poverty in Northern Ireland.
Monitoring and Evaluation
There is a wider relevant concern in the Strategy given that
the actions of all Government departments’ impact on
the lives of children living in poverty and all departments
are involved in the development and implementation of the
Regional Action Plan and the Strategy itself. Co-ordination,
communication and consistency across departments will be crucial.
This is an area which the UNCRC Committee, in its own words
has,
“Almost invariably found it necessary to encourage further
co-ordination among central Government departments, among
different regions and provinces, between central and other
levels of Government and between Government and civil society”.
(CRC/GC/2003/5 para. 37)
The UNCRC Committee recognises the complexity and multiplicity
of arrangements that exist across countries and for that reason
refrains from prescribing detailed arrangements for co-ordination.
However it does note that a specific department or unit, if
given high level sanction, can play a pivotal role in co-ordinating
work across Government departments on the implementation of
children's rights. In the context of the Anti-Poverty Strategy
the Anti-Poverty Unit would appear to represent such a central
co-ordinating unit. As a direct result of the nature of poverty
and the broader implications of living in poverty on the denial
of additional rights to children and young people, the Anti-Poverty
Unit will have a large role to play in the monitoring of the
implementation of the UNCRC and working with the Children
and Young People’s Unit to report to the UNCRC Committee
in 2007.
There is clearly a need to develop a system of child rights
indicators and child rights impact assessment. The development
of a system of coherent, rights based indicators must be a
priority for the implementation of the Strategy to ensure
that accurate monitoring of progress and an evaluation of
impact in terms of advancing children’s rights can take
place. The UK Government in its report to the UNCRC Committee
in 2007 will be obliged to provide a comprehensive picture
of,
“...steps taken to develop mechanisms for the identification
and gathering of appropriate indicators, statistics, relevant
research and other relevant information as a basis for policy-making
in the field of children’s rights” (Guidelines
for Periodic Reports para 18).
Work must begin immediately on developing an integrated system
of child rights indicators while the Strategy is still being
drafted. These child rights indicators, which should include
as a minimum information on compliance with the general principles
of the UNCRC, should be adopted consistently across all departments
and applied to both the Regional Action Plan as well as to
the Strategy itself.
Resources
The content of the Strategy highlights a great deal of currently
ongoing work and there is very little in the document which
is new and innovative. It is very clear from the Ministerial
Foreword that the Strategy does not intend to create a new
set of actions and initiatives; rather it intends to set the
context for work which is ongoing and for the continuation
of existing measures. While there is a promise of new future
measures, no indication of how these new measures will be
developed or what they are likely to involve has been given.
We believe that this stops well short of what is required
to effectively address poverty in Northern Ireland. It is
very clear from the statistics above that measures currently
in existence are failing to address the needs of those in
poverty, hence the need for a robust and challenging Anti-Poverty
Strategy in Northern Ireland.
One of the reasons for this ‘repackaging of measures’
may well be due to the lack of clarity around whether or not
the Strategy will have priority status. The Anti-Poverty Strategy
follows along the same vein as many of the Government’s
new strategies in that there is no allocation of budget for
its implementation. This is very disappointing as we believe
that there should be dedicated resource provision in order
to effectively eradicate poverty, rather than skewing of mainstream
public expenditure from budgets which are already extremely
constrained. We are particularly surprised that skewing of
resources has again been proposed at this stage in the consultation
process in light of the high level of opposition to this method
of funding the Strategy through out the process to date. The
consultation document itself highlights this opposition and
states that one of the common concerns which arose though
the external evaluation was with regard to the level of resource
allocation to anti-poverty measures. A number of groups suggested
that,
“The policy should be financed by ‘top-slicing’
of budgets i.e. creating a central budget with contributions
from all departments, and greater efficiencies within Government”
(Page 36)
This particular concern relating to the funding of anti-poverty
initiatives is reiterated in the findings of the Independent
Panel. The consultation document states that,
“…there was a case for an ‘innovative action
fund’ to encourage Departments to develop anti-poverty
initiatives” (Page 38)
Without adequate funding for the Strategy it is difficult
to see how Government intends to place the correct degree
of importance on the priorities detailed within it and how
the fundamental level of political will can be demonstrated.
Youth@clc expressed similar concerns in relation to the lack
of dedicated resources.
The UNCRC Committee has made its views unequivocal on the
responsibilities of Government in the provision of the rights
of the child, including the child’s right to live free
from poverty as detailed above, and the issue of resources.
The Committee has paid considerable attention to the identification
and analysis of resources for children in budgets and observes
that without clarity regarding the amount of money being spent
on children both directly and indirectly,
“...no state can tell whether it is fulfilling children’s
economic, social and cultural rights” (General Comment
5 para 51)
The Committee has repeatedly raised the issue of insufficient
allocation of resources towards the implementation of children’s
rights with a number of member states. In 2002 the Committee
recommended that the UK Government,
“...undertake an analysis of all sectoral and total
budgets across the State party and in the devolved administrations
in order to show the proportion spent on children, identify
priorities and allocate resources to the “maximum extent
of…available resources”. (CRC/C/15/Add.188 para
11)
To comply with the UNCRC Committee’s Guidelines on Periodic
Reports the UK Government, in its report due to be submitted
in 2007 will be obliged to provide information regarding:
• The proportion of the budget devoted to social expenditures
for children, including health, welfare and education, at
the central, regional and local levels;
• Arrangements for budgetary analysis enabling the amount
and proportion spent on children to be clearly identified.
The steps taken to ensure that all competent national, regional
and local authorities are guided by the best interests of
the child in their budgetary decisions and evaluate the priority
given to children in their policy making; and,
• The measures taken to ensure that children, particularly
those belonging to the most disadvantaged groups, are protected
against the adverse effects of economic policies, including
the reduction of budgetary allocation in the social sector.
(CRC/C/58 para 20)
It is abundantly clear that the draft proposals regarding
resourcing the Strategy are totally inadequate when compared
with the UNCRC Committee’s requirements, not least due
to the lack of a child rights focus. The Strategy’s
requirement that Departments skew resources in the eradication
of poverty is raises serious concerns about the Government’s
commitment to delivering on its aims, objectives and priorities.
It is difficult to see how, in such a scenario, the best interests
of the child and the principle of ensuring the right to protection
against discrimination can be guiding considerations in any
decisions regarding financial allocation.
The failure to ring-fence new funding for the implementation
of the Strategy runs completely counter to the Government’s
obligation, which is a particularly onerous one given the
UK’s status as a G8 nation, to allocate resources to
children to the maximum extent of available resources. Neither
can the particular administrative arrangements with regard
to devolution, whereby the NI Executive receives a block grant
from the UK Exchequer, be accepted as some form of externally
imposed limitation on the amount of money available for implementation
of the Strategy, as made clear by the UNCRC Committee,
“In any process of devolution, State Parties have to
make sure that the devolved authorities do have the necessary
financial, human and other resources effectively to discharge
responsibilities for the implementation of the Convention”.
(General Comment 5 para.41).
We strongly recommend that in order to meet its obligations,
OFMDFM commits to the provision of adequate, ringfenced funding
for the implementation of the Strategy. All departments must
be obliged to undertake a child rights impact assessment of
any proposed financial allocation thus ensuring that the best
interests of the child becomes a guiding factor in budgetary
decision making.
Ministerial Forum
We are pleased to note the proposal for a Ministerial Forum
in the draft Strategy and are supportive of both the Forum
and its proposed aims. While we welcome the proposal that
the Forum be chaired at Ministerial level, we are concerned
that it does not appear to have any authority. It is vital
that the Ministerial Forum has the power to hold both Departments
and NDPBs to account in terms of delivering on the Strategy.
Participation on this Forum by children experiencing poverty
is vital as per the Government’s obligations both under
Article 12 of the UNCRC and section 75 of the Northern Ireland
Act 1998. We stress the need for effective and meaningful
participation and highlight the obvious need for development
of new and innovative models of participation to ensure that
representative groups of children and young people not only
have their voices heard, but have these views taken into account
in decisions which affect their lives. The NICCY research
highlights the importance of this area for children and young
people and states that participation as,
“…enshrined in Article 12 of the CRC, is fundamental
to the realisation of all children’ s rights and it
is appropriate, therefore, that not being heard, not being
allowed to participate in decisions made about them and not
being consulted about changes to their lives, big and small,
is the single most important issue to children in Northern
Ireland.” (NICCY research 2004 page xxi) (Our emphasis)
Youth@clc also stressed the need for local accountability
and responsibility and felt that this should be addressed
through the Ministerial Forum with power to hold Departments
accountable and there should be a central body who co-ordinates
the Strategy, provides resources and has powers to impose
sanctions
PSI Working Group
We note the proposal in the Draft Strategy to set up a PSI
Working Group on Lone Parents. We believe that no new PSI
groups should be initiated until the previous ones have been
evaluated in terms of their impact on the designated groups.
It is fundamental that an action to address the needs of any
particular group is effective and we remain unconvinced that
this will be achieved through a PSI Working Group as the PSI
Working Group on Travellers has delivered very little positive
change for Travellers in Northern Ireland.
Consultation
We note with concern that the Anti-Poverty Strategy states
in relation to carrying out an Equality Impact Assessment
(EQIA) that,
“Experience throughout the Northern Ireland Civil Service
indicates that we cannot assess high level strategies, but
that equality impact assessments will be conducted on the
specific programmes coming out of these, where screening indicates
that this is necessary.” (Page 160)
We strongly disagree with this statement and believe that
the equality statutory duty imposed on OFMDFM by section 75
of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 must underpin all levels
of policy making to ensure that there is no adverse impact
on any of the nine groups detailed in the legislation. We
would submit OFMDFM have misdirected themselves in their interpretation
of Section 75. We believe that the letter and spirit of section
75 intends for equality concerns to be central to the policy
decision-making process. This involves consideration of section
75 at the very beginning stages of the Strategy’s development
and implementation. The Equality Commission’s Guidance
for Implementing Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998
states that,
“1.4 The new statutory duties make equality central
to the whole range of public policy decision-making. This
approach is often referred to as “mainstreaming”.
The Council of Europe has defined mainstreaming as:
“the (re)organisation, improvement, development and
evaluation of policy processes, so that a[n] … equality
perspective is incorporated in all policies at all levels
and at all stages, by the actors normally involved in policy-making”.”
(Gender mainstreaming conceptual framework, methodology and
presentation of good practices. Council of Europe, Strasbourg
May 1998)
It is clear from this that the intention of section 75 is
to mainstream equality, making it central to policy decision
making. In order for an equality perspective to be central
to policy making it needs to be incorporated in all policies
at all levels and stages. This would unequivocally involve
incorporation of the principles of equality of opportunity
from the beginning of this process and throughout the development
and implementation of the Strategy. It is vital that a full
and thorough EQIA is carried out on the Anti-Poverty Strategy
in advance of the consultative process. While we recognise
the challenges that this presents we wish to highlight the
ongoing work between the Government and the Equality Commission
on Priorities and Budget 2006-08, to subject the process to
an EQIA. There is definite scope for replication of this work
to ensure compliance with the section 75 statutory duty in
all high level strategy development. As a result we recommend
that OFMFDM carries out an EQIA on this policy as a matter
of urgency, particularly in light of the absence of consideration
of children’s issues in the document, either in the
context of child poverty or in relation to the multiple identities
of children. This is of particular concern given the fact
that the UK Government in its report to the UNCRC Committee
in 2007 will be obliged to provide a comprehensive picture
of,
“...steps taken to develop mechanisms for the identification
and gathering of appropriate indicators, statistics, relevant
research and other relevant information as a basis for policy-making
in the field of children’s rights” (Guidelines
for Periodic Reports para 18).
We would be grateful if you would provide us with details
of how you have or intend to consult directly with children
and young people as one of the groups who will be impacted
upon most by the implementation of the Anti-Poverty Strategy.
Such consultation is essential not only in ensuring compliance
with section 75, but also in ensuring the Government’s
compliance with Article 12 of the UNCRC, one of the principles
of the Convention - Respect for the views of the Child. In
examining the government’s compliance with Article 12,
the UNCRC Committee recommended that the government, “...take
further steps to promote, facilitate and monitor systematic,
meaningful and effective participation of all groups of children
in society”. (Para 30 CRC/C/15/Add.188)
We would also be grateful if OFMDFM would respond with details
of the system which they intend to use to analyse responses
to this consultation process including the degree of weight
which will be attributed to both individual and organisational
responses. This is a vital element to drawing conclusions
from responses and progressing with identified areas for immediate
action or otherwise. For this reason, we would appreciate
information both on the system itself and on its operation
for the purposes of analysis.
Conclusion
The Children’s Law Centre is grateful to have the opportunity
to comment the Office of the First and Deputy First Minister’s
Consultation Towards an Anti-Poverty Strategy, New TSN –
the way forward Phase Two. We hope that our comments have
been constructive and useful and are more than happy to meet
with OFMDFM staff to discuss anything raised in this response.
We wish to be kept informed of progress in the development
of the Anti-Poverty Strategy in Northern Ireland and look
forward to the issues raised in this response being addressed,
taken forward by OFMDFM and hearing from OFMDFM in the near
future.
Appendix 1 - Anti-Poverty consultation with youth@clc
What is Poverty?
o Not meeting needs
- food (quantity and quality)
- heat and utilities
- bedding
- school uniforms and clothes
o Education especially in relation to higher education. Knock
on effect of poor food etc. – lack of concentration
will effect education
o Poor health due to poor diet and poor lifestyle
o Social problems e.g. gangs
o Emotional problems – depression, low self-esteem,
bullying
o Separation of the ‘haves’ and the ‘have
nots’
o Poorer life chances
o Crime, jealousy and vandalism
What would you do to address poverty?
o Lower tax for low income households
o Provision of and incentives to undertake courses of adult
education. Skills for employment
o Free/heavily subsidised adult learning – means testing/incentives/targeting
o Accessible, free childcare
o Raise minimum wage
o Choice
o Confidence building/Jobskills
o Aspirational Change
o Higher rates of benefits and improved accessibility to benefits
o Address the fact that education and better paid employment
favours middle classes
o Creation of a job pool – inward investment
o Improved housing
o Tackling problems such as poor diet/drug or alcohol dependency/smoking
o Consultation with those in poverty
o Assessments of need and meeting that need
o Rights awareness raising
o Lowering of trade barriers
Who does poverty effect?
o People in inner cities
o Rural/farming/fishing communities
o Homeless
o People with physical/mental illness
o Asylum seekers
o Ethnic minorities
o Lone parents
o Those living in interface areas
o Teenage parents
o Elderly
o Those with no qualifications
o Low income families
o Travellers
o Those with dependents
What are your views on the Anti-Poverty Strategy?
o No targets – need local targets
o Wishy washy – doesn’t make any firm commitments
and needs to
o Need policy change
o Need dedicated resources
o Need for devolved Government
o Need for local responsibility/accountability
o Doesn’t address the impact of the conflict in Northern
Ireland
Who do you think has responsibility for addressing Poverty
and its consequences in Northern Ireland?
o Departments – need an inter-agency approach
o Should link through a central body who co-ordinates the
Strategy, provides resources and has powers to impose sanctions
o DEL
o DE/ELB’s
o DETI
o NIHE
o DHSSPS
o Invest NI
o DARD
o DFP
o DSD
o CSA
o Voluntary Sector – needs resourced
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